Following Macron’s speech at the Sorbonne in September 2017, announcing a strong push for the future of the Europe of Defence, a new Franco-German dynamic, which was later joined by Italy and Spain, has been pursuing, progressively and more rapidly, greater integration of European security and defence. The key to this initiative has been placed on the principle of cross-border defence cooperation in the development of priority military capabilities, which fulfill the main gaps in the defence sector, and in reducing the fragmentation of the current supply and demand dimensions, to ensure economies of scale, as well as to strengthening the competitiveness, innovation and efficiency of the European defence technological and industrial base.
Within sight of the NATO and European Union public, but without its attention, Russia has, in recent years, not only modernised its armed forces, but also perfected its abilities of hybrid warfare. This insidious form of aggression includes military elements, such as intelligence, cyber-attacks and fake news, as well riot-instigation and terrorism. Russia has violated its neighbours’ borders and has applied both traditional and hybrid means to affect their economic, diplomatic, and security decisions.
In a digital and connected world, hybrid threats exploit the dependence of individuals, organizations and States on the internet and cyberspace. Critical infrastructures, also operating in a networked environment are, today, appealing targets for cyber-attacks of a high disruptive and destructive power. New threats, exploiting the vulnerabilities of an information age society, raise new social risks and require a concerted response, both at national and international levels.
Technology permeates every aspect of our daily lives. However, its increased presence has posed a significant challenge to our liberties. Western democracies need to re-adapt in order to concretely regulate tech and prevent potential new forms of interferences for its institutions. Especially in Europe have democratic states felt the need to develop new normative approaches and regulations to provide a framework regulating Big Tech companies and preventing them from abusing their power.
Au-delà de l’interrogation de ses petits-enfants Jacques Favin Lévêque répond aux jeunes et aux moins jeunes. Il évoque les multiples défis du 21ème siècle et leur délivre un message de confiance et d’espoir pour parachever la construction européenne. Du même auteur : « Construire l’avenir avec sagesse » édité par la Société des écrivains.
[IN FRENCH] The future of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) raises many questions. At the instigation of Heads of State and Government aiming to strengthen the political dimension of the Atlantic Alliance, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg convened a working group that submitted its report on November 25, 2020. Its conclusions will be food for thought for future ministerial meetings and NATO summits.
[IN FRENCH] Do we need an Ostpolitik (an Eastern policy) again? In Germany, some favour it, such as a former political leader from the SPD, Matthias Platzeck, in a book published in 2020. However, many criticise the French President’s call for strategic dialogue with Russia. The debate is open. The University of Bonn and the Institut français organised a round table on this topic in November 2020: “Do we need an Ostpolitik 2.0? Visions from Germany and France.” It is interesting to consider these two visions.
Since 2008, the European Union (EU) has been involved in Arctic issues
, for various reasons, environmental, scientific and strategic. The current EU policy on the Arctic is focused on the 2016 joint communication “An integrated European Union policy on the Arctic”. Emphasizing the geopolitics of the region, an update of EU Arctic policy was announced in the fall of 2019.